Chile Postpones Its Mega Elections At The Height Of Pandemic

Only four days away and at the height of the pandemic, the Chilean Parliament approved that Tuesday to postpone for five weeks the mega – elections of April 10 and 11 to elect municipal and regional representatives, as well as the delegates who will draft a new Constitution.

The change of date to May 15 and 16, requested by the medical union after the worsening of the pandemic and proposed by the Government on March 29, was promulgated this Tuesday by the country’s president, Sebastián Piñera.

“The reasons to promote this postponement are very solid and are basically two: first, to take care of the health of our compatriots and, second, to take care of the health of our democracy,” explained the conservative president.

The serious health situation that Chile is going through “anticipated a high abstention by citizens” and, Piñera pointed out, “in these elections, in which we are going to elect the constituents (…), the participation of each and every one of the citizens it is fundamental and constitutes a moral commitment to our country. ”

The delay in approving the postponement of the elections – the largest in Chile’s recent history, with more than 16,700 candidates – was due to differences in some details between the ruling party and the opposition. After a long debate of several days, the parliamentarians decided to suspend the electoral campaigns until April 28 and that the mayors who had left their positions to opt for re-election return to them until April 15.

The deputies and senators rejected, however, the declaration as holidays of the days of the election, the cancellation during the period of postponement of the bank interest for the candidates who requested credits to carry out the campaign and the free transportation to encourage participation . “I regret that it is not an inalienable holiday. The people who work will depend on the will of the employers and will have to go to vote in just two hours,” said Socialist Senator Isabel Allende.

For the ultra-conservative parliamentarian Iván Moreira, the discussion has reached “a worrying level of exaggeration”: “The important thing is to suspend the elections for a health issue and the essential thing is the people and explain to them what positions they should choose,” he said. “I do not feel that the incentives are being given to seek massive participation in the elections,” added opposition Jaime Quintana.

NEW ELECTORAL CALENDAR
The postponement also implies that the second round of the elections for regional governors – a position of new election, since until now they were appointed by the Executive – will go from May 9 to June 13, while the presidential primaries will be held on 18 July.

The left and center-left opposition agreed last week to move the elections in exchange for greater mobility restrictions to contain the pandemic and ensure a good epidemiological situation in May, as well as a package of economic measures so that the most vulnerable and the decimated middle classes respect the quarantines and do not go out to work.

With hospital occupancy at 95% and record numbers of infections due to the expansion of new variants, Chile is going through the worst moment of the pandemic and the authorities decided at the end of March to decree a strict home confinement for more than 83% of the population, among them the more than 7 million residents of the capital.

The worsening of the health crisis runs parallel to a successful vaccination process, thanks to which more than 7 million people have already received at least one dose of the covid-19 vaccine (more than 4 million with the two injections) , which places Chile as one of the countries with the highest percentage of the inoculated population.

The Chilean government believes that the first effects of the vaccination will be noticeable in mid-April and trusts that for the eventual elections in May there will be 9.3 million people with at least one dose.

Schools Closed And With School Groups Confined In Catalonia

Impact of the coronavirus in the classroom. Schools Closed And With School Groups Confined In Catalonia.

The school groups confined by covid in Catalonia are 66, according to data from the Department of Education published this Wednesday, after the break for Easter . The last balance published was on March 27 and then there were 953 confined groups. The 66 confined groups represent 0.09% of the approximately 72,000 total.

There are 2,071 people confined, compared to 22,540 before the holidays. Of the total, 1,898 are students, 161 teachers and administration and services personnel and 12 external personnel. 2,137 positives have been registered in the last 10 days: 1,875 students, 258 teachers and administration and services personnel and 4 external personnel. The accumulated positives are 64,001, 2,445 more than in the previous balance.

There are no closed centers and there are 54 centers with confined groups, 1.06% of the total.

These are data updated by the Department of Education through the Traçacovid application , developed by the Regional Ministry to report on the numbers of infections and confinements in schools and institutes . Through this application, you can search by educational centers, municipalities and regions (Educació information may be imprecise in some cases; the exact data are those offered by each center).
Impact of the coronavirus in the classroom. Schools Closed And With School Groups Confined In Catalonia.

The school groups confined by covid in Catalonia are 66, according to data from the Department of Education published this Wednesday, after the break for Easter . The last balance published was on March 27 and then there were 953 confined groups. The 66 confined groups represent 0.09% of the approximately 72,000 total.

There are 2,071 people confined, compared to 22,540 before the holidays. Of the total, 1,898 are students, 161 teachers and administration and services personnel and 12 external personnel. 2,137 positives have been registered in the last 10 days: 1,875 students, 258 teachers and administration and services personnel and 4 external personnel. The accumulated positives are 64,001, 2,445 more than in the previous balance.

There are no closed centers and there are 54 centers with confined groups, 1.06% of the total.

These are data updated by the Department of Education through the Traçacovid application , developed by the Regional Ministry to report on the numbers of infections and confinements in schools and institutes . Through this application, you can search by educational centers, municipalities and regions (Educació information may be imprecise in some cases; the exact data are those offered by each center).

Uncertain Attempts To Curb The Far Right

It was a triple action in different countries and against three different organizations of the nationalist right or the extreme right. The same day and in the space of a few hours. The coincidence reflects a common desire to draw red lines with the ultras at a time when, precisely, these lines are blurred and some ideas of the ultras parties – on immigration, sovereignty or borders – are installed in the center of the world. debate.

On March 3, the French Government dissolved the Génération Identitaire small group . On the same day, it emerged that the German secret services had placed Alternative for Germany (AfD), the main opposition party in the richest and most populous country in the European Union (EU), under surveillance, a decision that was subsequently blocked by an administrative court from temporary form l.

Both gestures coincided with the departure of MEPs from Fidesz , the party of Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, from the parliamentary group of the European People’s Party (EPP), the first in the European Parliament, the Christian Democrat family that, together with the Social Democracy, built the EU.

“We are relieved that our speech is no longer going to be contaminated by Orbán. However, now we are concerned that we are fattening the extreme right, ”says MEP Esteban González Pons, vice president of the European popular group and promoter of the vote that led to the departure of Fidesz.

The three recent decisions are disparate. If they happened on the same day, it was accidental. Nor do they respond to the same plan, nor are those who adopted them comparable entities: the French Council of Ministers, the Office for the Protection of the Constitution (BfV, the name of the German internal secret services) and the European popular group.

And the object of the action is different: a marginal movement like Génération Identitaire; a great party in a scrupulous democracy with respect for civil rights, but also with vigilance against those who seek to alter the constitutional order; and the party of a head of government who sits alongside his colleagues in the European Council.

“Neither the ban on Génération Identitaire nor the surveillance of AfD is at odds with the long-standing practices of the French and German states,” says Cas Mudde, professor at the University of Georgia, in the United States , and author of La ultraright today (Paidós , in Spanish).

“The expulsion of Orbán should have happened long ago, and what has caused it, mainly, has been more his personal attacks against prominent politicians of the EPP than his destroying democracy in Hungary.”

A common spirit drove the decisions of March 3: to contain or remove from the democratic terrain the radical right in its many variants. The agreement, at the end of 2020, to condition European funds on respect for the rule of law, is part of a similar effort. In Austria, the Government has initiated the procedure to ban the symbols of the local branch of the identity movement.

“There is a subtle link between these three recent events,” says Alberto Alemanno, Jean Monnet Professor of European Law at the Paris School of Higher Studies in Commerce . “They mark an imminent reordering of the political landscape in the EU,” he adds.

Alemanno recalls that, so far, plans to unite the European populist far-right have failed. Their sensibilities — pro-Russian and anti-Russian, government and anti-establishment parties, economically liberal or pro-protectionist and state intervention, national-populist and old ultras — were too far apart to coincide in a movement. However, attempts to curb these groups could have the counterproductive effect: uniting them against the establishment that supposedly seeks to silence them.

“The EU’s extreme nativist right”, says Alemanno, “could be strengthened by this rather late attempt by current governments to make them adapt to constitutional values, notably the rule of law.

This union of the extreme right can have profound consequences both in national politics in the Dutch, German and French elections, as well as in the politics of the EU, with a rearrangement of political groups and the erosion of the parliamentary majority in support of [ the President of the European Commission, Ursula] von der Leyen ”.

Possible reunion
“What has led to the departure of Orbán”, analyzes González Pons , “is a possible meeting in a group of the extreme right, which is within the system, of a series of parties that can become the third or the second group of the European Chamber: Orbán’s merger with the Italian League and with the Polish PiS [Law and Justice party] gives rise to a group of more than 100 MEPs. They overtake the liberals of [French President] Emmanuel Macron and are close to the socialists. ”

The Spanish MEP makes a distinction between two extreme rights: the usual and what he calls the illiberal right. The first, which would correspond to the Identity and Democracy group in the European Parliament, goes against the system, according to González Pons.

The second – represented in the Conservatives and Reformists group in Parliament – participates in principle in the rules of the game, governs countries such as Poland or Hungary and could be strengthened thanks to Orbán.

Professor Mudde is skeptical about the scope of the recent gestures. “There is no European strategy to deal with the extreme right,” he says. “And I don’t see any significant change in the way that the parties of the majority right treat the radical right.

While in some cases they are no longer welcome in coalitions, as in Austria and the Netherlands, in others they have recently become parties capable of participating in coalitions, at least at the regional level. This is the case of Portugal and Spain ”.

The end of the common front against Le Pen in France?
All the polls almost certainly assume that Marine Le Pen, the candidate of the far-right National Regrouping (RN) party, will go through the second round of the 2022 presidential elections, probably against the current president, Emmanuel Macron. If this forecast came true, it would be a repeat of 2017.

Then Macron got 66% of the vote; Le Pen, 34%. Several polls suggest that this distance could be reduced significantly next year. Le Pen would lose, but would reach up to 48% of the vote, and Macron 52%. The margin is too narrow for the president to sleep easy. The Republican front – the union of voters of the left and right against the extreme right – seems a thing of the past.

As the political scientist Jean-Yves Camus, from the Jean Jaurès Foundation, explains, the sanitary cordon is not broken, in general, because the party apparatuses decide to make a pact with the extreme right. It is broken – in France and other European countries – because, for many voters, the red line has disappeared, and they opt for the ultra candidate.

“The question posed by the party apparatuses is: ‘What do I do to keep my voters, who are leaving?” Says Camus. “There is a dissonance between the attitude of the parties and the fact that a part of the voters consider that the right has become a center, or a center right, and that this is unsatisfactory.”

One of Macron’s fears, in a duel against Le Pen, is the abstention of leftists who voted for him in 2017 and who now, disappointed by policies they consider to be on the right, would stay at home instead of blocking the way to the extreme right. “I’ve already been a barrier,” the progressive daily Libération recently headlined , citing a disappointed voter. “This time it’s over.”

Today’s Fatherhoods Is Affective Responsible And Equitable

The journalist Carles Francino melts into a hug with his three children. There is a 30-year difference between the birth of the first, the actor Carles Francino (40), and that of the two little ones, Iván (10) and Lucía (8), so the radio presenter has witnessed the evolution of fatherhood in the last decades.

It celebrates the changes: “For example, more parents go to school meetings, or paternity leave, previously non-existent [and since January 2021 equated to maternity leave].” But he feels that there are still chauvinistic conversations. “I hope that changes with my children’s generation.”

The journalist Carles Francino wears a pullover from Octobre, trousers from Purificación García, shoes from Salvatore Ferragamo and the Force Supreme Youth Architect anti-aging cream, from Biotherm Homme. Along with him, his children.

On the left, the oldest of the three, actor Carles Francino (40 years old), wears a Sandro polo shirt, Canali trousers, Camper Lab shoes and a Cartier watch, and wears the Aquapower Eye De-Puffer eye serum. , by Biotherm Homme, with anti-bagging effect.

At his side, the two young children, the journalist’s children with his current wife and co-worker, Gema Muñoz: Iván (10 years old), wearing a T-shirt and sneakers, both from Vans; Quiksilver shirt, Stella McCartney shorts and Jimmy Lion socks; and Lucía (8 years old), wearing a dress and socks, both by Chloé, and sneakers by Superga.

The journalist Carles Francino wears a pullover from Octobre, trousers from Purificación García, shoes from Salvatore Ferragamo and the Force Supreme Youth Architect anti-aging cream, from Biotherm Homme. Along with him, his children.

On the left, the oldest of the three, actor Carles Francino (40 years old), wears a Sandro polo shirt, Canali trousers, Camper Lab shoes and a Cartier watch, and wears the Aquapower Eye De-Puffer eye serum. , by Biotherm Homme, with anti-bagging effect.

At his side, the two young children, the journalist’s children with his current wife and co-worker, Gema Muñoz: Iván (10 years old), wearing a T-shirt and sneakers, both from Vans; Quiksilver shirt, Stella McCartney shorts and Jimmy Lion socks; and Lucía (8 years old), wearing a dress and socks, both by Chloé, and sneakers by Superga. PAPO WAISMAN / EPS

Javier de Domingo, psychologist, professor at the European Institute of Perinatal Mental Health and father of three children, recalls that in the past the figure of man was associated with the role of caregiver outward: search for food and shelter, protection against threat external … “Adrenaline is the hormone that is activated by predation and from it the inherited paternity model has been built.”

With this model, based on the foundations of a traditional masculinity that places the man as an authoritarian, dominant and responsible figure for family maintenance, many parents of today have grown up, such as Francino . “It is a stale model that delegates a lot to women and denies the affection between parents and children,” says the presenter of La Ventana.(String SER).

“In my house there were eight siblings and none of the boys were required to make even the bed. That was my sisters’ job. My father was a complicit and humble man, but he did not show affection. So no one questioned that things were like that ”. At 63, Francino does the dishes, prepares breakfast in the mornings, takes the children to after-school when he can and, above all, hugs his children and his wife, Gema, a lot. “But I have had to change,” he acknowledges. “It was a choice and I am very happy with it.”

The emancipation of women and the successive feminist waves have simmered the emergence of these new masculinities that break with stereotypes . More and more men like Francino are joining the fight for gender equality. Campaigns such as the United Nations #HeForShe contribute to generating this slow, progressive and far-reaching change.

By recognizing women as equal in work, social, public and private matters, many men begin to assume the couple’s commitments with equity, from housework to childcare, just as at the beginning of the century, Professor Rafael Montesinos, from the Autonomous Metropolitan University of Mexico, presented in Paternity: Expression of Male Transformation(2004). It is a beginning, although there is still a long way to go to build that “new culture for genders” of which the researcher speaks.

The chef Quique Dacosta, with three Michelin stars in the restaurant that bears his name and a great international projection in haute cuisine, has for five years the joint custody of his two children, Noa (12 years) and Ugo (9).

“When you make the determination to separate, you realize that this implies another even more painful separation, that of your children,” he explains. At first, the children lived with their mother and spent time with Dacosta. “When work allowed me to be in Dénia,” he says. He was very “unstable” and decided to reorganize to ask for joint custody.

Since then they have lived a week with him and another with his mother. “The day they go with her there is an indescribable void. But the penance of not having them makes you take advantage of them more when they are there.

That quality time is what you need as a parent to know and understand them ”, says the 49-year-old chef who received the Gold Medal for Merit in Fine Arts in 2020. “Obviously, I would like to have them every day, but the shared one is the most equitable.” His case is less and less exceptional. In the last five years, agreements of this type have doubled (they represent more than 37%).

The actor Juanjo Ballesta , who has just separated from the mother of his son, Juanjo, 14, says that in his case the child lives with him. “Juanjito sees Vero [his mother] on weekends.” According to the latest data, in 4% of separations with children, custody is held by the parents, a figure that was close to zero just a decade ago.

In the case of Ballesta, the decision was made in the interest of his son. “My house is in the middle of the field, in the village; we have a sheep called Copo and it is a very healthy environment for him ”, says the protagonist of films such as El Bola (Goya for the best new actor in 2000) or 7 virgins(Silver Shell in 2005).

“Also, my ex works during the week and I find it easier to organize myself. But she sees him whenever she wants and vice versa. She has been the woman of my life and she is the mother of my son, so I don’t understand any other way to do it ”.

That respect and shared responsibility between both parents, together or separately, is one of the foundations of the new paternity. The Cuban musician Yotuel RomeroHe had his first son, Yotuel, at the age of 24.

He separated when the boy was barely 3 years old and eventually married and started a family with his current wife, the Spanish singer Beatriz Luengo. But he was always clear about it: “Children are a responsibility between two. Bea and I went to a house that was next to my ex-partner’s to be close ”.

The rapper grew up without a father figure. “My father fled the island [Cuba] to the United States in the eighties, when I was a kid.” He, too, left his country at the age of 18 for France. “Europe taught me that dialogue is the basis of everything and that is what I have tried to transmit to my children.” Communication is for the artist the pillar of upbringing.

This is how he has forged his relationship with Yotuel, 20, and with whom he attends this photo session. The connection between them becomes apparent as soon as they walk through the door. They look at each other with complicity, laugh and rap together. “We tell each other everything.

And although we now live far away [Yotuel and Beatriz Luengo have moved with their 7-year-old son D’Angelo to Miami and are expecting a girl in April], there is no distance if there is communication ”. Fatherhood is for the Orishas singer the opportunity to give his children what he never had. “I have been the father that I would have liked to have.”

Stewardship is a rational and voluntary choice made by a part of the male population. This conscious decision has allowed science to reformulate one of the arguments that have traditionally placed mothers as those responsible for the care of their children: the biological bond. Women produce oxytocin already during pregnancy, childbirth, and breastfeeding.

This hormone activates a region of the brain, the amygdala, which generates the sensation of great reward in the mother. Dr. Ruth Feldman, from the IDC Herzliya Center for Social Developmental Neuroscience (Israel), discovered in a scientific study carried out in the 1990s that this activation of oxytocin in mothers continued during rearing and spread to babies. When they played with them, both mother and child produced oxytocin.

Aware of the social change at the beginning of this century, with parents more present in family life, in 2001 Dr. Feldman directed the first investigation to study this relationship of oxytocin in parents involved in child rearing and thus deepen the link between children. men and their babies. The study was conducted with 80 couples with committed parents.

He found that oxytocin levels were as high as in mothers: “We saw that the more the father interacts with the baby, the more he touches, feeds or cares for him, the more his oxytocin system is activated, although his amygdala was only activated in one fourth part ”, he explains in the documentary Babies, from Netflix.

“Paternity, therefore, is biological and as deep as motherhood.” For Javier de Domingo, this study makes it clear that the supposed differences that were biologically attributed to each gender and on which the traditional distribution of roles was based are not real. Oxytocin, the affections are inherent to the human being.

Organizational, social and cultural issues have been the ones that imposed roles that distanced man from his own nature. “By taking the step towards conscious, co-responsible and affective parenting, we reconnect with her. But for that we have to get rid of the behavior inherited from the patriarchy and rebuild our fatherhood from scratch, based on affection and the needs of the baby as the center ”.

The Minister of Consumption, Alberto Garzón , 35, remembers perfectly the responsibility he felt when he first took his daughter Olivia in his arms. His wife, Anna, suffered from a post-puncture headache after delivery (a problem with anesthesia) and was in bed unable to move for 10 days.

“I had to take care of the girl 100%, except for breastfeeding, which had to be placed on her mother’s breast.” It is not easy for him to explain in words the bond he created with the little girl. But he says he upset his world, his body and his mind.

“Men now learn about emotional accompaniment and participate in practices promoted by the World Health Organization, such as skin-to-skin, carrying or co-sleeping [sleeping with them], which generate oxytocin,” explains Javier de Domingo, who is writing a book on father psychology. Garzón and his wife have chosen precisely that attachment upbringing.

“In my case, by the example of my parents, I have always understood co-responsibility as something evident. However, this philosophy when raising, thought from the needs of the baby, I think it is a generational change in the way of parenting “, says the politician. “The emotional involvement is so great that it seems impossible to me that other physical issues such as sexual desire do not also change.

This is something that many men don’t talk about, because it seems that it goes against the figure of the alpha male, but it seems to me a mistake not to treat it naturally. When that phase passes, obviously everything is restored, but I find it difficult to believe that an involved, active and co-responsible father does not lose his sexual appetite ”. Javier de Domingo recalls that there are studies that show that “men who carry and co-ride reduce their testosterone levels.”

According to Dr. Feldman’s research, caregiver fathers experience hormonal changes that prompt them to care, although the brain amygdala was only activated by a quarter and not completely as in mothers.

But the fight for equal rights for gay and bisexual people has opened the door to another new type of fatherhood: that of homoparental families, many of them made up of two men. Spain was the third state in the world to regularize same-sex marriage with the July 2005 law.

The legal system thus favored the formation of homoparental families such as that of Óscar Lendinez (39 years old) and Vicente Molina (42). The couple married in 2009, they have two adopted children of 6 years and 17 months and they come to the photo session from Valencia. The little boy runs around every corner of the space while his brother, Sergio, plays with one of his parents’ mobile.

Spain Must Learn From The Lessons Of A Pandemic Year

It was like an eclipse. Suddenly, at noon, it was dark. Spain had decades under skies sometimes clearer, others cloudy, but during the day, nothing like the closed night that abruptly precipitated in those days of March a year ago. The warning signs had been accumulating, but it was with the declaration of the state of alarm , just a year ago, that the overwhelming awareness of the catastrophe crystallized.

The following 12 months have yielded a terrifying balance: more than 70,000 deaths registered by covid(and an excess over the average of the previous four years of more than 90,000); a collapse of GDP of 11% in 2020; a politics in a bleak state of turmoil and litigation.

In all these aspects – health, economic and political – the juxtaposition of the Spanish balance with that of other developed democracies is negative. Undoubtedly, the Government has important responsibilities in this.

But there are also structural factors that do not depend on the government of the day, and a concurrence of guilt in a state of a quasi-federal court. In addition to the pain for the life lost , then, Spain should coldly analyze the conjunctural errors and the structural failures that the pandemic has exposed.

In terms of health, there are particularly marked problems in Spain : the extremely high number of deaths in residencesof the elderly; the high percentage of infected toilets due to lack of protective equipment; the precipitous de-escalation after the first wave and the stumble on the same rock at Christmas.

The health system has withstood the stress test of successive waves thanks to the dedication of its professionals, but the pandemic has revealed its weakness due to the cuts of the previous decade. The fragility of public health structures – with a 2011 law that has not yet been fully developed – and of decision-making mechanisms in a decentralized state has also become evident.

The Interterritorial Health Council, as a co-governance body, has proven to be a not very agile instrument (and everything has been made worse by the bad political disposition of some).

On an economic level, Spain’s position in the European caboose in terms of GDP declineIt is explained by its extremely high dependence on the tourism sector, the epicenter of the earthquake. The explanation, however, is no consolation.

Faced with the disaster, the Government has given protection responses that are generally correct in its orientation —ERTE, credits guaranteed by the ICO, reinforcement of the social umbrella with the minimum vital income and, this week, direct aid to companies and the self-employed—, but almost always with some delay with respect to the action of European partners and with implementation difficulties.

The pandemic once again highlights endemic Spanish problems – dysfunctional labor market, low productivity, excess of small businesses, doubtful sustainability of the pension system with a fragile contribution base. All this will have to be the object of attention and reforms.

Efficient management of European funds will be essential, that stimuli are not withdrawn prematurely and design a medium-term fiscal plan that generates confidence. On the positive side, the pandemic has revealed a remarkable willingness to dialogue between unions and employers.

The political plane is daunting. To the endemic turbulence on territorial issues and confrontation between parties, the pandemic has added the finding of the inability to overcome the collective interest of partisans even in terrible times.

The political cultures of the front and the narrative prevail in Spain, both enemies of pragmatic solutions and compromise, which are the main path of progress. I hope Spain knows how to learn from its mistakes. Can. It did so in the past, projecting itself with an extraordinary leap from the sad delay of the Franco dictatorship to the vibrant reality of a modern and prosperous society.

The Mystery Of The Ponferrada By Nevenka Fernández

On the other end of the phone you can hear the characteristic nasal voice of Ismael Álvarez, the popular mayor of Ponferrada (1995-2002) that the Netflix documentary Nevenka has brought back into the spotlight. He is very grateful, but does not wish to comment.

Very close to his house (so close that when he takes the car out of the garage it is the first thing he sees), the entertainment platform has painted on a giant mural the face of Nevenka Fernández, the councilor of his party who 20 years ago dared to Report you for sexual harassment. He, although he was found guilty, returned to appear at the municipal elections. He was 49 years old. She, 26, never returned to the city.

It’s half past one on Friday afternoon in Ponferrada (65,000 inhabitants). Rush hour for a typical ritual of this type of Spanish provincial city: some wines before eating. Even with masks in between, a certain animation is detected in the bar next to the mural signed by the artist Mercedes deBellard.

There is no talk of anything else these days in this town: the documentary in which the story is told for the first time from the point of view of the victim and not the stalker. It is also debated whether the entire city should be ashamed of the demonstration that 4,000 people attended to express their support for the condemned man, a Fuenteovejuna- style rally.that left images whose viewing 20 years later causes astonishment.

Nevenka is the protagonist of the documentary, yes, but there is another mysterious secondary school called Ponferrada which, with today’s gaze, it is very difficult to understand. Would its citizens behave in the same way again? How much has Ponferrada changed since the Nevenka case?

‘Ismael Álvarez case’: the people against Nevenka Fernández
The Temple hotel is a sui generis replica of the 15th century Templar castle that is the emblem of the city. It is the place where in March 2001 the councilor of the PP offered the press conference in which she confessed the ordeal she had been going through.

In its cafeteria today you can breathe absolute calm. Since the economic crisis of 2008, Ponferrada has lost more than 7,000 inhabitants, but the pandemic has given the grace to a city that, since the beginning of the 20th century, lived off the activity generated by the mines and Endesa, and that in the 1960s it moved so much money — thanks, among other things, to smuggling tungsten into Germany — that it became known as the city of the dollar .

The Spanish Ohio
In this place, founded by those entrepreneurs of the sixties, the writer Noemí Sabugal, a Leonese resident in Ponferrada and author of the essay on emptied Spain Hijos del Carbon, explains why some call it the Spanish Ohio: “In it the bosses have lived from mining: its engineers, entrepreneurs from the slate and subsidiary industries; but also the workers in those industries, in the service sector, farmers … that’s why it always fluctuates from right to left. It is a very interesting nucleus electorally ”.

Right now the Socialists rule again. Sitting in the same office that Ismael Álvarez once occupied in the baroque town hall, the current councilor, Olegario Ramón Fernández, thinks: “If that mural was ever painted then, it would have dawned the next day with any nonsense written on it. I know that would not happen today.

Some of the people who attended the demonstration have confessed to me that they would be ashamed to do it again ”. This is not the case of Fátima López Placer, a member of Álvarez’s team during his two terms and now retired from politics: “I don’t have to reconcile with anything, nor do I understand what this is about now, 20 years later. It didn’t seem fair to me then, nor does it seem fair to me now. ”

And about the mural: “The people of Ponferrad do not care completely. No one needs to delete it. It is as if they paint a Martian. The first day you look at it and then you don’t even look at it anymore ”.

On a terrace in front of one of those megalomaniac roundabouts that characterized Álvarez’s management, Manuel Fernández Zanca, the first PSOE candidate who lost an election to the popular one, in 1995, remembers that he met Nevenka when she was only a teenager who attended regional judo competitions with his daughter. “She was terrific at her thing.”

Many years passed before Zanca heard from her again. First, he had to suffer defeat against a candidate with a lot of people skills, who had grown up in the same town as him, Dehesas, and who boasted with “false humility”, in the words of the socialist, of being the son of a milkmaid. and a man who had made himself: while working in a bank, he had managed to do law at the UNED and turned an old rural family cinema into a very successful nightclub called Delfos to which all of El Bierzo went to to dance.

“We came from 20 years of socialist government with Celso López Gavela, Ponferrada was beginning to resent the decline in mining. It was an ugly, depressed city that lived in the shadow of a mountain of coal, ”recalls Zanca.

Álvarez promised to withdraw it and not only fulfilled that promise: also, on the ground where that 80-meter-high black monster once stood, he built a spectacular football field for Ponferradina, El Toralín, which was a push for the team to climb category; and he laid out the Rosaleda, a new neighborhood whose jewel in the crown was a 37-story tower, promoted as the “tallest skyscraper in all of Castilla y León”.

Citizens Looks Into The Abyss They Have Loaded The Game

Inés Arrimadas has dragged on for days the physical exhaustion typical of a moment of maximum tension. The body accuses the pressure that the leader of Ciudadanos has felt this week, in which her party has starred in a disastrous failed operation to seize power from the PP in Murcia.

The tragic result of this maneuver is the loss of two of its four autonomous governments, in a situation that was already extremely fragile for the party after the crash in the Catalan elections. Ciudadanos has looked into the abyss, and Arrimadas with him.

The president prepares changes in her executive to try to stop the outbreak of an internal crisis that can take the formation forward, in which some of its main leaders already see themselves “as in the Titanic orchestra”, Straight to the bottom of the sea.

The phones have been burning in Ciudadanos since Friday. The extraordinary executive of next Monday, summoned at the request of several barons, is expected as a new catharsis. Conspiracies are running wild. Arrimadas traveled to the headquarters this Saturday and from there called the main faces of the party to try to appease spirits and abort the operations against his leadership.

Toni Cantó weighs from his position in the Valencian Community to request an extraordinary congress and run to try to take the presidency of Ciudadanos from him, according to sources close to this leader, one of the most critical of the party’s performance. She sang doubt, because Arrimadas has control of the internal organs, and believes that she would win if she disputes the presidency.

Some members of the management are considering resigning from the executive this Monday, as a protest if there are no dismissals and not to continue validating a strategy that they disagree with.

Among the most critical group are Cantó, the former Minister of Culture in Madrid Marta Rivera de la Cruz and the former president of the Balearic Islands, José Ramón Bauzá. The winds of defections also threaten parliamentary groups in Congress and the Senate.

PP and Cs in Murcia: Antecedents of a rupture
Everything can blow up. The president of Ciudadanos is very emotionally touched, but she has no intention of resigning and is preparing changes in her executive to try to satisfy the critics. “More people have to participate in decision-making,” say sources of his utmost confidence.

Arrimadas has not yet closed the proposal for internal changes, but its purpose is to incorporate new profiles in the executive, including critics, to avoid dropouts. In the last executive committee after the catalan hit, Toni Cantó requested the resignation of the deputy secretary general and right hand of Arrimadas, Carlos Cuadrado, but the leader defended him.

This time, the meeting will again call for the removal of Cuadrado and his deputy, José María Espejo, according to members of the executive. “You have to stop them,

The meeting is reached with swords raised. Although Cuadrado affirms that he “will not be a problem”, according to sources in his environment, and that the approach of both Arrimadas and his squires will be “totally generous”. “The important thing is that on Monday we leave the executive meeting united,” they concede in the leader’s circle.

Ciudadanos is wounded – time will tell if to death – by a failed operation to remove the PP from power in Murcia, piloted by number two from Arrimadas. The deputy secretary general believes that everything went to ruin because Isabel Franco, one of the three defected deputies, “did not digest” that they bet on Ana Martínez Vidal as president and not on her, who was the vice president of the Government of Fernando López Miras.

Sources from his surroundings also affirm that Francisco Álvarez, another of the defectors, was a mole of the PP. “He went to the meeting where we decided to go ahead with the motion aware of what he would do, although he did not say anything against it, and he leaked everything to the PP.”

The party is divided on what has happened and on the way forward from now on. Most are aware that Ciudadanos is on the precipice; some see no way out. “They have loaded the game. This is a déjà vu from UPyD. Ines is a disappointment. The last executive after the Catalans ended up asking to be judged from then on, and in three weeks they have ended up blowing everything up.

Death will be certified on May 4. If we do not enter the Madrid Assembly, we will be a laughing stock ”, analyzes an important territorial leader. Another relevant leader who is ruling disagrees with that analysis. “UPyD never ruled. We remain in power in Andalusia, Castilla y León and the Madrid City Council. We have hit several shots in the foot I believe that the motion was correct to present it ”.

Francisco Igea, vice president of Castilla y León and former rival of Arrimadas for the presidency, does not make blood and asks for unity. “I have always said that the problem was the verticality of decision-making, and this is one of the most palpable demonstrations.

If your party in Murcia has a problem, solve it in Murcia. If the party leadership imposes all the decisions, that makes each error systemic “, reflects Igea, who draws conclusions from what happened:” First, do not kill yourself. Second, do an analysis of what fails us as an organization, looking for explanations and not guilty.

And third, abandon hyper-leadership ”. Luis Garicano, head of the European delegation, sees a future for Ciudadanos if he changes his focus: “We will be necessary to the extent that we avoid tacticism and give primacy to our values:

Ciudadanos has been in turmoil for two years as a result of its strategic ups and downs. Arrimadas tried to regain the hinge party capable of reaching left and right, but in the turn he collided with an iceberg.

The former secretary of organization goes to the PP

The internal situation in Ciudadanos is of maximum tension in the last hours, and sources close to several parliamentarians assure that the groups in Congress and the Senate “are going to break this coming week.” Cs has ten deputies in Congress and seven senators.

One of them, Senator Fran Hervías, former secretary of party organization, announced this Saturday night that he is requesting his withdrawal from Cs and resigning from his act as senator. Next, Hervías announced his incorporation to the PP.

“Ciudadanos has become a party that is part of the problem and not of the solution, abandoning liberal values ​​and principles to become one more crutch of sanchismo,” says Hervías in the letter announcing his departure. In the letter he also maintains that “sanchismo is incompatible with freedom” and “Spain is governed by a gang, whose sole objective is to annihilate our constitutional framework.”

In Congress, the critics are the deputies Marta Martín and Pablo Cambronero, who asked the management for explanations after the collapse in the elections in Catalonia. Both, in addition, have been on the verge of breaking voting discipline on several occasions in recent months.

The two parliamentarians doubted the support for the states of alarm that Ciudadanos endorsed, although they ultimately voted in favor. They also disagreed with the decision to approve the General State Budgets. In the Senate, Hervías leads a critical current that also includes senators Emilio Argüeso, Miguel Sánchez and Ruth Goñi.

Arrimadas met this Saturday his narrowest circle at the headquarters to study the next movements. The leader “is sunk”, according to several leaders who have spoken with her in the last hours.

Díaz Ayuso Is In The Line Of Trumpism

Ángel Gabilondo (San Sebastián, 72 years old) will opt for the presidency of the Community of Madrid for the third time as a candidate for the PSOE. He still does not know how: if in the May 4 elections , advanced by Isabel Díaz Ayuso, or the motion of censure that he registered on Wednesday, and which is pending the decision of the Madrid Court of Justice .

The former Minister of Education speaks sitting in the courtyard of the national headquarters of the PSOE in Ferraz, where he reflects on the similarities between the president of Madrid and Donald Trump, underlines the problems caused by inequality in the region, and confesses what he felt when he was he was criticized in primetime television for his proactive and dialoguing style of opposition.

Question . The PSOE designates him as a candidate after a year and a half in which his style of opposition to Díaz Ayuso has been criticized, and in which he has been the object of jokes. How have you handled it?

“Some see an error in any attempt to seek consensus”

It’s not nice. Above all it did not seem fair, honestly. By making this type of opposition the first legislature, we managed to win in 2019, to the amazement of some. Because some have an idea of ​​aggressive opposition, and they see an error in any attempt to seek agreements, consensus, to put the population before confrontation with the other, even in a pandemic situation. He felt a perception of injustice.

And it produces a certain blush. Those who are in the Assembly know perfectly well that I have worked a lot, that I give myself a lot, in a direction of transformation, alternative. I saw myself unfairly treated. And it gave me a certain pain that he echoed that without listening to my arguments a bit.

This is a political option, a way of understanding politics. Are not the citizens saying that what must be done is agreements and not so much confrontation? And when that is done, we find it as lukewarm. I’m not saying it with any dismay, but I’m not stupid enough to find it amusing to be ridiculed. So far I have not come.

“I have worked a lot. I saw myself unfairly treated ”

P . He says he has been in pain. What has caused you to see and read that the PSOE could be looking for another candidate?

The elections to the Community of Madrid enter a legal maze
The Vice President, Minister of Sports, Transparency and spokesman for the Government of the Community of Madrid, Ignacio Aguado, during a meeting with the main representatives of the economic and tourism sector in the region, at the Real Casa de Postas, in Madrid (Spain), March 9, 2021 The meeting discussed the role of safe mobility in the economic recovery of the region.

Ayuso and Aguado: at war yesterday, today and tomorrow
R. I am going to say two things. One, in addition to feeling that pain and that discomfort, I have felt a lot of adhesion, a lot of bonding and a lot of support. I am not a sadist or a masochist. I have not been suffering, I have been enjoying the life of politics, and I know that it carries those pains.

But I have also had many joys, and I feel them, and I was very satisfied to defend alternatives in such difficult moments. And instead of appearing singularly, I don’t know how, putting my convictions first. With regard to the names, I have encouraged a little that. How?

When they asked me if it was going to be me [the candidate] I said that I was willing, but that it was not just up to me, that the party had to decide. And the ‘but’ was understood as opening the space to start drawing names.

Taking names does not give the impression that there are many candidates, it gives the impression that there is no candidate. The thing about names is true that it does not produce comfort either. The display of names produces a certain perception that they are desperate looking for another, but it is not that. It is simply that the PSOE has many possibilities, and has decided on one.

P . A month ago his appointment as Ombudsman was taken for granted. Now he is again a candidate for the Presidency of the Community. How do you handle those swings?

R . I already know, at this stage of the game, that life is a bit like that. Not just politics, life. They seduce you, they desire you, they reject you, they welcome you… but I can finally say that the PSOE has been extraordinarily generous with me, and that I try to respond to that generosity. We must both be at the service of something different, let’s talk about citizens, about how citizenship is in Madrid. How is the population of Madrid? You have to press it. I say that the population of Madrid is not good, it is bad. And we will see the vote [in possible elections]. If it turns out that they are delighted, then I was wrong.

P . It is presented for the third time. What must be done so that the result is different from the previous two and comes to govern?

R. The new element is the historical need to face a challenge that society has been subjected to, to propose a stable life model that leads to a more conservative society. Another thing happens. Some injustices have settled and it has begun to be seen quite naturally that politics is a mere useful instrument to achieve personal interests. It seems like a mistake to me. A serious mistake.

Another plus is that we are in a pandemic and a crisis that would advise that the elections had not been called. It is irresponsible. Summon the citizens right now! And the amount of resources that are on hold! We do not have Budgets. We do not yet have the destination of the European funds. There are amounts of the Government of Spain still unmanaged. This paralyzes everything. I am amazed at the inability of management.

“We are in a pandemic and a crisis that would advise that the elections had not been called. It is irresponsible. Summon the citizens right now! ”
P . Has this inability you denounce influenced the fact that the Community has been the Spanish region hardest hit by the coronavirus?

R . There are many reasons, but one is that. The management has not been successful. The economic structure of Madrid is very unique, it needs a serious review. It has feet of clay. We rely on services, tourism, in a weak industry. We have, however, a lot of knowledge, great universities. It has not focused on research, on science. All this is weighing on the fact that people’s lives have a lot of uncertainty, a lot of insecurity.

P . Does Díaz Ayuso remind you of Trump at all?

R . There are in Madrid, in the Government of Madrid, in its president, some principles and values ​​that are clearly in the line of Trumpism. I see it as a very serious problem, for Madrid and for Spain. That stimulates me, because I know that I have a responsibility. It is a great challenge and it is a great necessity that this is not imposed.

“In Ayuso there is a populist vision and a denialist position”
P . This would require a massive mobilization, like the one that accompanied Joe Biden in the United States, precisely when there is so much division on the left.

R . I want to be a person of institutional respect, of respect for all those who do not think like me. Respect for a society that is demanding that we do politics differently. And I would like to have that respect and deserve it. I have a downside: I’m not Biden. With this I mean that I do not live in the longing to be any other than who I am, I accept myself with my problems and my fissures.

And I think there are citizens who know that they are not choosing exactly the person to live with, but someone who can manage public affairs. I am full of defects, of problems, like all human beings. Therefore, an icon is not searched. They are looking for someone with the ability to unite, agree and agree on policies for the common good.

Justice Maintains Early Elections In Madrid On May 4

The Superior Court of Justice of Madrid has refused to suspend the decree of dissolution of the Madrid Assembly and the calling of early elections for May 4, as the Chamber’s Bureau had requested on Friday .

Once the very precautionary measure included in the appeal against the decision of the Madrid president, Isabel Díaz Ayuso, to dissolve the chamber and call elections has been rejected, the merits of the matter, regarding the legality or not of said decree, are still pending resolution. to the motions of censure presented by the PSOE and Más Madrid. The judicial decision is appealable before the Supreme Court.

Díaz Ayuso: “Now I want to be free, they have been making me dizzy”. This is how the motion of censure against Ayuso was forged: “Gabilondo, we are going to present it now”

The elections to the Community of Madrid enter a legal maze. Ayuso calls the polls in Madrid on May 4 to avoid a motion of no confidence from PSOE and Cs.

The Board of the Madrid Assembly asked the Superior Court of Justice of Madrid to suspend with “urgency” the decree of the president of the Community that dissolves the Chamber, a decision that consequently implies the calling of early elections.

In its appeal, the Board requested as a very precautionary measure the suspension of the decree for contradicting the presentation of the motions of censure of the PSOE and Más Madrid before the aforementioned Assembly.

In these cases, the Contentious-Administrative Law provides a period of two days for the judge or court to decide on the existence or not of the reasons of extreme urgency alleged in order to agree to the requested precautionary measure.

This period ended, therefore, this Sunday. The challenge presented allows us to suppose that a long legal battle is beginning, since it contains considerations that announce the subsequent approach of the issue before the Constitutional Court.

The appeal argues against the claim of the president of the Community that her “mere signature” in a decree that implies the calling of elections, gives full validity to her initiative, despite not being published. For this claim to succeed –adds the challenge– “would imply the violation of the principle of publicity of the rules, with the correlative of legal security, as well as that of interdiction of the arbitrariness of the public powers”, established in Article 9 of the Constitution .

For all this, “the precautionary and very precautionary suspension (without hearing the parties) of the effects of decree 15/2021, of March 10, of the president of the Community of Madrid , of dissolution of the Madrid Assembly and of the convocation of elections, due to the concurrence of circumstances of special urgency in the case, which bring about the validity of the Decree of dissolution and appeal that has already motivated the cessation of the statutory functions of Parliament: legislative, budgetary and control of Government”.

The challenge to the decree of the president of the Community, Isabel Díaz Ayuso , emphasizes that “without a doubt the dissolution of the Chamber prevents the exercise of the functions that the Madrid Assembly itself holds as an institution, including the exercise of the function of control and demand of political responsibility from the Government through the presentation of two motions of censure in process at the time of publication of the aforementioned decree, as well as the ius in officium of the deputies that are members of the same, who are seeing their right suspended of access to public office under equal conditions ”, as this right is guaranteed by article 23.2 of the Constitution.

The appeal adds that with the dissolution of the Assembly, that same right of political participation is being denied to “all citizens of the Community of Madrid”, insofar as they are recognized to participate in public affairs “through “Its” representatives “by virtue of the same article of the Constitution,” which would be violated with a dissolution contrary to what is established in article 21.2 of the Statute of Autonomy of the Community of Madrid, since said right entails the right to remain in the position without illegitimate disturbances ”.

The Bureau of the Madrid Assembly alleges that these damages “would be impossible to repair, since the dissolution of the Assembly determines the end of the mandate” and, therefore, “the loss of the status of deputy” of the current parliamentarians of the Madrid camera.

US Senate confirms a Latino as Biden’s Secretary of Education

The US Senate confirms a Latino as Biden’s Secretary of Education. Miguel Cardona was until now commissioner of the sector in Connecticut.

The United States Senate confirmed this Monday the Latin Miguel Cardona as the new Secretary of Education of the Government of Joe Biden . Cardona, who to date served as Connecticut Commissioner of Education, was confirmed in the Upper House with 64 votes in favor and 32 against, according to EFE.

Born in Connecticut to Puerto Rican parents, Cardona is a teacher who since his current position has had to supervise the distance learning of thousands of students due to the covid-19 pandemic. In his new responsibility, he will have the enormous challenge of guiding the Biden government in the strategy of reopening the schools closed after the outbreak of the pandemic.

After being nominated by Biden for the position, Cardona promised that he will do everything possible so that children and young people can access the same educational opportunities.

“For too many students, their zip code and their skin color are still the best predictors of the opportunities they will have throughout their lives,” lamented Cardona, who quoted academic Pedro Noguera as saying that the US has allowed for too long. ” the normalization of failure “. “For too long,” he stressed, “we have allowed US children to finish high school without any idea of ​​how to enter the work force.”

During his confirmation hearing at the Senate Education Committee, Cardona was pressured by several Republican legislators about his position on transgender students in areas such as school sports.

“I believe it is vitally important that education systems and educators respect the rights of all students, including transgender students, and that they are given the opportunities that all other students have to participate in extracurricular activities,” said the new secretary.

Cardona is one of the Latinos nominated by Biden for his Cabinet along with Secretary of Homeland Security, Alejandro Mayorkas, and Xavier Becerra, who awaits Senate confirmation to assume the post of Secretary of Health and Human Services.